AS PEACEMAKER WITH HYDER ALI.

In the journal of Schwartz we have some very interesting records of his work among the military, and he speaks with gratitude and affection of the little group of pious and devoted English soldiers who met from time to time for prayer and worked so hard in the service of Christ. It is refreshing to see in those early days, when beyond the chaplains there was no one to look after the soul of a soldier, that Christ had His witnesses in the ranks who lived bravely and died well in the Faith. Of one of these Schwartz writes: “There was a manliness in his whole deportment. The Gospel of Christ was precious to him and produced a settled peace and holy courage in his heart. This year he became sick. His pious companions visited him diligently. His mind was perfectly composed and he longed for the Holy Communion, which was administered to his edification. Some hours before his death I visited him and found him in a most happy frame. ‘My sins,’ said he, ‘are forgiven me of God for Christ’s sake, my heart has rest and peace, the enemy has no power over me. I look forward with complacency to a blessed eternity. I would not exchange with the King of England. O the poor world that it could but reflect what a blessed thing Christianity is!’ Then turning to me he said, ‘And I thank you, my friend, for having made Jesus Christ known to me!’ At last he repeated several times that beautiful sentence, ‘Into Thy hands I commit my spirit, Thou hast redeemed me, O Lord God of truth.’”

In his letter of 10th August, 1771, Schwartz refers to the air being filled with rumours of war and that the English troops are moving on to Tanjore. The King, who had shown such friendliness to Schwartz, was in difficulties, and General Smith with his soldiers was investing the foot of Wallam or Vellam, the strongest defence of Tanjore. A battle had already taken place and the storming of the walls was imminent, when a treaty of peace was suddenly signed and hostilities ceased. A little later on Schwartz was again in Tanjore and the King asked once more to see his old friend. He was taken to a shady spot and the King came under a yellow umbrella, looking much thinner and not so well as when they met two years before. “Padre,” he said, “I wish to speak with you privately” and led him away. But the chief Brahmin, who no doubt was on the alert, would not leave them alone and came in. On his entry the King bowed low and stood before him with folded hands, an evident sign of the absolute ascendancy which this priest had gained over his mind and action. The Brahmin took an elevated seat and required Schwartz to repeat the sermon which he had delivered at the Palace the day before. This was done very faithfully, to which the Brahmin listened in silence, but the King afterwards asked some questions about repentance and whether a man might return to his sins again. Schwartz replied that “true repentance consisted in a hatred of all sin, which was inconsistent with such a return.” Afterwards at a subsequent interview the poor ruler, the slave of his courtiers and sadly addicted to intoxicating drugs and the love of women, said to the missionary, after an earnest personal appeal that he would give his heart to God, “Alas! my padre, that is no easy matter!”

But in spite of the opposition and intrigue of his Brahmin advisers, the distracted King of Tanjore was compelled to seek the help of his old friend to save him from political complications. And here it is well to observe how unwilling Schwartz was to be drawn in as a judge in the strife of politics and the hazard of war. He felt so keenly that his proper place was the sphere of the souls of men, that he was most anxious not to allow anything to interfere with his liberty as a preacher of the Gospel, with hands clean from the suspicions of a bribe, and willing to be the friend for Christ’s sake of both sides, if by any means he might save some. Of course, as unofficially representing the British Government and acting as chaplain to their troops, he was in a sense committed to advance their interests in every possible way. On the other hand he felt that this strong confidence which he had inspired in the hearts of the native rulers, especially King Tuljajee of Tanjore, was a sacred advantage which he must use for the highest purposes and ought to exercise if need be to keep the peace and save conflict. The King had sent for him again because he felt that his friendly understanding with the English was not so cordial as it had been. So he asked Schwartz to interview them on his behalf. But the position was fraught with risks, and he records his impressions. “Now this in itself would not be sinful but it is a dangerous matter to engage in such things with a people so prone to deceit and this I distinctly avowed to them. The King said, ‘Padre, I have confidence in you because you are indifferent to money.’ But his officers did not wish me to be engaged in this affair lest their own iniquity might be discovered. And thus it passed off; for which God be praised, as I had no occasion to declare fully my averseness to the employment.”

Things went, however, from bad to worse; the Nabob of the Carnatic pressed his claims, and the English supported him against Tuljajee. Schwartz saw the King’s impending doom and could not prevent it, and in a sense he felt the punishment was a just judgment on the corruption and superstitious blindness of his rule. It was not for want of warning but in face of the clearest light that this weak and miserable King had erred. “I am afraid,” writes Schwartz, “Tanjore has filled up the measure of its sins and is giving up. Certainly the poor Rajah was blind and infatuated, otherwise he might have prevented the present misery that comes upon him. In January I was there the last time. I warned them and told them that in the present course they must perish. Manoziappa’s son said, ‘What can we do?’ I answered, ‘Turn to Him who can help you!’ He said, ‘It is not the way of the world?’ ‘Well,’ I said, ‘the course of the world will undo you.’”

Shortly afterwards the army moved to invade Tanjore and the place was captured with hardly any resistance or loss, the poor affrighted King and his family were made prisoners, the Nabob took the kingdom and its treasure, and Schwartz found himself and his work under new masters and at a disadvantage. He appealed for more considerate treatment but was refused, and he reported the state of affairs to the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, pointing out “that many of the best families would not hesitate to become Christians, could it be shown how they could maintain themselves. But the difficulties are now greater than when Tanjore and the Marawar country had their own princes and governments, many thousands of the inhabitants having quitted the country for want of food and employment.” Happily, after the position had been discussed in England, the Court of Directors of the East India Company disapproved of what had taken place, and for the sake of British interests the restoration of Tuljajee was carried out in April, 1776, and once more Schwartz felt that his influence was restored for the good of the work. But the contention which this new policy caused in Madras again made it impossible for any amicable arrangement to be made, and the Council begged Schwartz to bring the pressure of his personal influence to bear upon the King, but this he refused to do as it would interfere with his sacred functions. “This is the cause,” he writes, “of my not having conversed with the King for six months past. It is with great regret that I have to inform you that he has lately given way to a luxurious and dissipated life, so that little hope can now be entertained respecting him.”

Meanwhile, to help the work at Tanjore, Schwartz made himself proficient in the Mahratta language and wrote a dialogue in that tongue on the Christian faith which was fruitful of good results. He resolved to stay at Tanjore and found much cause for encouragement in his converse with the Brahmins, many of whom admitted that nothing but fear of consequences prevented them from being Christians. The poor puppet of a King, however, was rapidly going downhill, drink and sensuality had done their work, and his authority was counting for little in any quarter. A small church was being built in the fort and Schwartz preached the opening sermon after the General of the English troops had laid the foundation stone. The Madras Government were anxious to make Schwartz a handsome present of money for his work among the soldiers and other services, but he refused it, asking only for some bricks and lime to help to build his church.

It was just at this time, in March, 1779, that he received an urgent summons to see Sir Thomas Rumbold, the Governor at Madras. On his arrival he was told that he was desired to undertake a very important mission to Hyder Ali at Seringapatam to discover his real intentions and to assure him of the peaceable thoughts of the English. “As the intention of the journey is good and Christian, namely, to prevent the effusion of human blood and to preserve this country in peace, this commission militates not against but highly becomes your sacred office and therefore we hope you will accept it.” This was an honour and yet it meant great danger; Schwartz made it a matter of much prayer and finally agreed to go, feeling that in so doing he was fulfilling the will of God. He had very carefully considered the question from all its bearings, as was his wont, and decided on three grounds, 1st, that its aim was to promote the blessings of peace; 2nd, because he could thereby preach the Gospel in many parts hitherto unvisited; and 3rd, the Company had shown him great kindness and he wished to return this with some gratitude. But he would accept no presents and not a single farthing would he take beyond his travelling expenses. He stayed a month at Caroor on his way, and with the assistance of his only fellow-traveller, Sattianaden, he preached to crowds of people and discussed privately the doctrines of Christianity with many Brahmins. Afterwards he climbed the steep and dangerous path from Guzzulhatty, and being now in Mysore talked to the Brahmins in Hindustani, one of them telling him that “Hyder is quite unconcerned as to religion; he has none himself and leaves everyone else to his choice.” In a short time he reached Seringapatam and his impressions of the place and an account of his reception by this despot are so admirably told in his journal that an extract, therefore, must be given in extenso:

“The palace of Hyder Ali, built by himself, is very beautiful according to the style of Eastern architecture. It is entirely of hewn stone with numerous pillars. At the extremity of the pagoda stands the ancient palace of the Kings of Mysore. The former possessor of the throne, to whom Ali allows an annual income, still inhabits it. He has his servants, but is treated as a prisoner of state; Hyder himself sometimes visits him and stands in his presence as a servant. Thus men of the world can dissemble. The King’s sons are all dead and the general opinion is that they were secretly dispatched.

“Opposite the palace is a large square, on two sides of which are open buildings in which the military and civil servants of Hyder have their appointed stations for conducting public business. He can overlook them from his balcony, and as they are required at appointed times to be in the places assigned them, to receive the reports of the country and army, whoever has business to transact knows where to find them. Here reigns no pomp but the utmost regularity and dispatch.... Though Hyder sometimes rewards his servants, the main spring of action here is terror. Everyone performs his part from a motive of fear, well knowing the consequences of any neglect of duty. Persons of the highest as well as of the meanest condition are punished with the same instrument. The tyrant keeps two hundred men with whips in constant readiness; and no day passes without many being chastised. The Governor of a whole district is whipped in the same manner as the meanest groom. Hyder treats them all alike. Even his two sons and his son-in-law are liable to the same cruel usage. When any one of his highest officers has been thus publicly flogged he does not allow him to resign his employment but compels him to retain it, that the marks of the whip on his person may serve to deter him from repeating the offence; for he seems to think that almost all persons who seek to enrich themselves are devoid of all principles of honour.

“Entering the palace one evening I observed in the audience chamber a number of people sitting in an arch. By their dress I perceived they were collectors of districts and in their countenances the marks of anxious fear were visible. I was informed by Hyder’s Persian secretary that they were come to submit their accounts. They appeared to me like criminals expecting death. Very few were able to render them to Hyder’s satisfaction and in consequence dreadful punishments were daily inflicted. I hardly know whether to mention how one of these unhappy men was treated. The poor criminal was tied to a post, two men approached with whips and flogged him in the most cruel manner, the pointed nails lacerating his flesh. The cries of the wretched victim were most heart piercing.

“But notwithstanding this severity of punishment there are numbers who eagerly seek these lucrative employments and even out-bid each other. The Brahmins are the worst in this traffic. When one of them has obtained a district he fleeces the inhabitants without remorse. At length when called upon by Hyder for his arrears he pleads poverty and having undergone a flagellation returns to renew his exactions. Can we be surprised if the people under such a Government lose all sense of shame?

“Hyder’s army is under the management of four chief officers (called baschi). They may be considered as paymasters but their office is not confined to paying the troops, as they have to provide for the recruiting service and to regulate other military matters, being likewise judges for the decision of private quarrels. With these people I often conversed. Some of them speak Persian, others only Hindustani, and all are Mohammedans. They once asked me what was the most acceptable prayer and to whom it ought to be addressed? I explained to them that as sinful creatures and therefore deserving eternal death, we could only approach the Almighty in the name of the Mediator, Jesus Christ, and then expounded the Lord’s Prayer. They next inquired whether the Lord Jesus in His Gospel had fixed the period of His coming and of the day of judgment. In reply to this I explained to them the doctrines of the Gospel, to some in Tamil, to others in Hindustani. As the household of Hyder consisted chiefly of Brahmins, I had very frequent conversations with them. Some of them gave me very modest answers, whilst others avoided the discussion and gave me to understand that they did not consider their temples to have been built in vain. ‘The building,’ I replied, ‘may be useful, but the idols you worship are worthless.’

“Without the fort several hundred Europeans were encamped, some of them were French, others German. I also met with a few Malabar Christians, whom I had instructed at Trichinopoly. To find them in that country, far from all Christian ordinances, was painful, but to renew the instruction which they had formerly received was very comfortable. Captain Buden, the commander of the German troops, lent me his tent, in which I performed Divine Service every Sunday, without asking permission, acting in this as one bound in conscience to do his duty. We sang, preached and prayed, no one presuming to hinder us. The whole I considered as a kind providence of God.

“To Hyder’s palace high and low came, inquiring of me the nature of the Christian doctrine, so that I could speak as long as my strength allowed. Hyder’s younger son (not Tippoo), seeing me in the Durbar or hall of audience, saluted me in a friendly manner and invited me to pay him a visit in his own apartments. I told him I would come most cheerfully, provided his father would give permission, since to do so, without his consent, might prove injurious both to himself and to me. Of this he was perfectly aware. Even the most intimate friends do not venture to speak their mind freely. Hyder has everywhere his spies, but I knew very well that on the subject of religion I might discourse day and night without fear of giving him the least offence.

“When I was admitted to an audience Hyder bade me sit next to him on the floor, which was covered with the richest carpets, and I was not required to take off my shoes. He listened to all I had to say, expressed himself in a very frank and open manner, and told me that notwithstanding the Europeans had violated their public engagements, he was willing to live in peace with them. A letter was then read to me which had been prepared by his order. ‘In this letter,’ said he, ‘I have stated the substance of our conversation but you will be able to give further explanations personally.’ Hyder seemed by this expression to consider my visit as the preliminary to a treaty of peace, but the Nabob at Madras defeated all these intentions. While sitting near Hyder I was struck with the expeditious manner in which the public business was dispatched. When he had ceased conversing with me some letters were read to him and he dictated an immediate answer. The secretaries hastened away, wrote the letter, read it before him and he affixed his seal to it. In this way many letters were written in the course of the evening. Hyder himself can neither read nor write, but he has an excellent memory. Few have the courage to impose upon him. He orders one to write a letter and then has it read to him, after which he calls another and hears it read a second time, and if the secretary has not strictly conveyed his meaning, or has in the least deviated from his orders, his head pays for it.

“I frequently sat with him in a room adorned with marble pillars, opening into the garden, which though not large, as it could not be in the fort, was neatly laid out with trees which were grafted and bore two kinds of fruit, rows of cypresses, fountains, etc. Observing a number of youths carrying earth in the garden, I inquired respecting them and was told that Hyder had established a battalion of boys, all of whom were orphans and whom he had taken under his protection, boarding and clothing them and furnishing them with wooden guns for the purpose of their exercise. This care of poor orphans really pleased me and I wish our Government would in this particular imitate the example and improve upon it, particularly as to religious instruction, so as it becomes Britons and as God will certainly require it at our hands, who hath armed us with power, that we should use it chiefly for His service and glory and not merely for our own. On the last evening, when I took my leave of Hyder, he requested me to speak Persian before him, as I had done with some of his attendants. Of this language he understood a little, but he does not speak it. I did so and explained the motives of my journey to him. ‘You may perhaps wonder,’ said I, ‘what could have induced me, a priest, who has nothing to do with political concerns, to come to you, and that on an errand which does not properly belong to my sacerdotal functions. But as I was plainly told that the sole object of my journey was the preservation and confirmation of peace, and having witnessed more than once the misery and horrors attending on war, I thought within my own mind how happy I should esteem myself if I could be of service in cementing a durable friendship between the two Governments, and thus securing the blessings of peace to this devoted country and its inhabitants. This I considered as a commission in no wise inconsistent with my office as a missionary of religion of peace.’ He said with great cordiality, ‘Very well, very well! I am of the same opinion with you, and my only wish is that the English would live in peace with me. If they offer me the hand of peace and concord I shall not withdraw mine provided ——.’”

What those provisions were was never known. The interview was over, and apparently the tyrant must have showed to Schwartz his better side, for there was nothing in his actions to indicate any desire for peace or the good of humanity. A despot who pitilessly slew his enemies without mercy, whose officials high and low lived in a reign of abject terror, who had depopulated entire districts with the sword and whose ferocity had not even the limitations of any religious consideration, was hardly the man to appreciate any proposals for peace and goodwill. On the other hand, it speaks well for the influence of a pure and fearless personality like that of Schwartz that he could have instantly inspired respect and attention. When he left Hyder he found a handsome present in his palaquin, which he would have returned forthwith but the officials assured him it would imperil their lives for him to act so contrary to the etiquette of Hyder’s court.

Although in his journal no further particulars are given of this interview, amongst the papers of the late Mr. Huddleston was found a note of what Schwartz had told him respecting the attitude of Hyder.

“In his very first interview Hyder told him that he was made an instrument to cover intentions and views very different from the purity of his own mind, that the English had adopted the designs of his enemy (the Nabob) and that it was now too late to convince him that they had altered their policy or that they entertained any views really friendly towards him. He then requested Mr. Schwartz not to renew the subject, but assured him that for any other purpose he was welcome to stay in Seringapatam and should receive every attention and might come to his Durbar as often as he pleased, and thus remarkably concluded ‘that he had also his free permission to try to convert any of his people to his religion, if he thought he could succeed, for he was sure he would say nothing improper to them, or that would tend to injure his authority.’”

Doubtless the character of the English, as represented by the policy of the East India Company, fully justified the suspicions of Hyder; indeed, in the letter which Schwartz brought back, there was a haughty recital of the misdeeds of the Company, military and civil, and concluding with these terrible words, bespeaking the vindictive spirit of the writer: “I have not yet taken my revenge and it is no matter. When such conduct is pursued what engagements will remain inviolate? I leave you to judge on whose part treaties and promises have been broken. You are acquainted with all things, it is right to act with prudence and foresight.”

There is every reason to believe that on his return Schwartz not only discharged his mission but exhorted the authorities to play their part with honesty and straightforwardness, and this was not perhaps a welcome or acceptable admonition. Of this remarkable visit not a record remains in the archives of the Company; possibly had such a faithful note been made it would have been a witness against the provocation and trickery which marred their administration. But Schwartz had done his duty and again he refused any personal advantage, even handing over to the Board at Madras the three hundred rupees given him by Hyder. All he would agree to was that an English orphan school might be built with some of it at Tanjore.

Probably amongst the most distinguished of native rulers the name of Hyder Ali stands pre-eminent. He has been called the Napoleon of India, and considering his limitations as an Oriental, if only from the brilliance of his military tactics and personality among his armies, he may deserve that high comparison. It is easy to denounce him as a bloodthirsty tyrant, and much of his character justifies that condemnation, but he had other traits which in fairness must be remembered. He lived in an age and a country where duplicity in politics was the rule rather than the exception, yet it is to his credit that he kept his word with the English, who were not always equally considerate as regards their obligations with him. Mounted on his white elephant in his gaudy uniform of white satin and gold flowers, vain of display as all his fathers were, he was the idol of his troops, who were animated by the example of a man who had no fear and exposed himself to any risks in leading them to victory.

The victim of sensuality, he yet kept his head clear for business, and though he could not read a word he dictated several letters at the same time and his marvellous memory kept him always in touch with the financial and political affairs of his kingdom. Schwartz has given us a picture of his court, and his interview represents Hyder in one of his best moods. He seemed a very Gallio in his religious views and used the Brahmin because it suited his purpose to be guided by the ablest and only educated men. There is no doubt he misled the pious Schwartz in letting him imagine that those boys were the objects of his charity and tender care. As a matter of fact, they simply represented his practice of carrying captive the young natives of any country which came into his hands. He was cruelly severe in his discipline and did not spare his own son when it was needed; his ferocity of revenge and his lust of plunder made him an unsparing enemy and an avaricious thief. And yet, as we have seen in his talk with Schwartz, there was a better side of him and he had a desire at least after truth and justice. It is quite a natural question, when reviewing such a character, to ask oneself what Hyder Ali might have been had he embraced the Christian faith.