Cortes had desired the caziques of Tlascalla to furnish him with 5000 men to join him on his march into the province of Tepeaca, whose inhabitants he was going to punish for the murder of several Spaniards. It was the township of Tepeaca, Quauhquechola, and Tecalco, which lay from twenty-four to twenty-eight miles from Tlascalla, against which our arms were particularly bent. If our desire to be revenged upon them was great, that of Maxixcatzin and the elder Xicotencatl was more so, as the inhabitants of those places had done great damage to their plantations; four thousand Tlascallan warriors, therefore, stood ready equipped to join us. All the provinces, however, which we intended to invade were quite prepared to receive us; for when the inhabitants there learnt that we had met with a kind reception in Tlascalla after our overthrow in Mexico, they did not doubt for an instant that, after we had recruited our strength a little, we should invade their territories in conjunction with the armed force of the former republic. Mexican troops were therefore stationed everywhere on the confines, and Tepeaca itself was strongly garrisoned. Maxixcatzin and the elder Xicotencatl were well aware of this, and, consequently, not without their fears. Notwithstanding all this, we commenced our march thither, but without either cannon or matchlocks, for we had lost all these in our flight from Mexico: though we had saved a few of the latter, we could make no use of them as we had not a grain of powder left.

Our small army now consisted of seventeen horse, six crossbow-men, and 420 Spaniards, most of whom were only armed with swords and shields, and 4000 Tlascallans. We merely took a single day's provision with us, as the provinces we were going to invade were very populous, and contained quantities of maise, fowls, and musk swine. We observed our usual good custom of sending out a few scouts in advance, and we quartered ourselves for the first night about twelve miles from Tepeaca. The inhabitants, upon the news of our approach, had everywhere fled away, and carried off everything they could with them, so that we only found six men and four women in a small settlement near Tepeaca. Cortes, who always observed the strictest justice and order in all matters, questioned these prisoners respecting the eighteen Spaniards who had been murdered without any cause, and for what reason such vast numbers of Mexican troops had arrived, and why the property of our friends the Tlascallans had been destroyed?

He desired these prisoners whom he sent to Tepeaca to ask the inhabitants there these same questions, and they were to signify to them that they should send away the Mexicans who were there, and conclude a treaty with us, otherwise we should look upon them as rebels, murderers, and robbers, desolate their country with fire and sword, and carry off all the inhabitants into slavery.

These prisoners fulfilled their commission faithfully, and returned with two Mexicans. If we had sent a haughty message to our enemies, they returned answer in a still haughtier tone. The two Mexicans came with perfect confidence, as they well knew it was our custom to treat all ambassadors with great courtesy, and even make them presents. In this they had certainly not deceived themselves; and, still puffed up with the recent victory, they spoke with terrible assurance. Cortes, after they had done speaking, presented each with a mantle, and sent them back with offers of peace, adding, at the same time, he was well aware they could not return him his Spaniards alive; but if they would sue for peace, he would pardon the past. With this message he likewise sent a letter containing the same offers, though we very well knew they could not read it, yet by this time they had learnt so much as to know it contained some command, and Cortes desired the ambassadors to return with an answer. This they speedily brought, and was to the following effect: "We were to return to where we had come from; and if we refused to do so immediately, they would fall upon us the next day, and procure themselves a more abundant repast from the flesh of our bodies than they had done at the bridges of Mexico and in the battle of Otumpan."

On receiving this declaration Cortes called a council of war, in which the whole of these circumstances were taken down in writing by a royal secretary, and it was further resolved that whichsoever of the allies of the Mexicans had been found guilty of murdering Spaniards should be turned into slaves, since, after swearing allegiance to his majesty, they had rebelled, and caused us so great a loss of men and horses. This determination was likewise made known to the enemy, and they were again admonished to make peace with us; but we met with nothing but defiance in return; and if we did not quit the province they would march against us and put us all to death. Both sides thus made preparations for war, and a severe battle ensued the day after; but as the level ground, which consisted entirely of maise and maguey plantations, was particularly favorable for our manœuvres, the bravery of our enemies availed them very little, and our few horse soon put them to the route. The rest of us likewise fell vigorously upon them, and our friends of Tlascalla behaved most valiantly, and pursued the enemy with great loss. Considerable numbers of Tepeacans and Mexicans were killed, while on our side we lost only three Tlascallans. Twelve Spaniards were slightly wounded, and one of our horses so severely that it died soon after. The consequence of this victory was, that numbers of women and children were brought in prisoners to us,—for the men we turned over to the Tlascallans, who made slaves of them all.

The Tepeacans, seeing that the Mexican garrison was no protection to them, and that they would only become the victims of any further opposition, without so much as consulting the Mexicans, now sent messengers of peace to us, who were very kindly received by Cortes; these Tepeacans then, for the second time, took the oath of allegiance to our emperor, and sent off the Mexicans.

We now, therefore, entered Tepeaca, and founded a town there, to which we gave the name of Villa de Segura de la Frontera, from its lying on the road to Vera Cruz, in a populous district, very productive of maise, and because it was covered by the close neighbourhood of Tlascalla. Alcaldes and regidors were appointed, and a regular government introduced.

We likewise visited all the districts where Spaniards had been murdered, and we cast an iron mark, with the letter G, meaning guerra, (war,) with which those were to be branded whom we turned into slaves. In this way we severally visited the townships Quauhquechola, Tecalco, Las Guayavas, and others whose names I have forgotten. In the former place alone, fifteen Spaniards had been murdered in their quarters; we therefore spared this township least of all, and turned a vast number of its inhabitants into slaves.

About this time another king had been raised to the throne of Mexico, as the former, who beat us out of the town, had died of the smallpox. The new monarch was a nephew, or, at least, a very near relative of Motecusuma, and was called Quauhtemoctzin. He was about twenty-five years of age, and a very well-bred man for an Indian. He was likewise a person of great courage, and soon made himself so greatly feared among his people that they trembled in his presence. His wife was one of Motecusuma's daughters, and passed for a great beauty among her countrywomen.

When this new king received intelligence of the overthrow of his troops at Tepeaca, and of the consequent submission of that province to the emperor Charles the Fifth, he began to fear for his other provinces. He therefore despatched messengers to every township, commanding the inhabitants to hold themselves ready for action; and in order that he might make sure of their obedience to his commands, he sent one cazique a present, and another he freed from paying tribute. His most able generals were despatched with troops to protect the boundaries, and he admonished them to behave better than they had done at Tepeaca.

That the reader may not confound the two names, I must take the opportunity to acquaint him that there was a Cachula and Guacachula. I must, however, defer for the present what I have to say about the last-mentioned place, to relate the news we received from Vera Cruz.[99]

CHAPTER CXXXI.

We had scarcely punished these Tepeacans for the murder of our eighteen companions, and restored peace to the country, when letters arrived from Vera Cruz with the information that a vessel had run in there, commanded by a good friend of Cortes named Pedro Barba, who had been sub-governor of the Havannah under Velasquez. He had brought along with him thirteen soldiers and two horses, besides letters for Pamfilo Narvaez, whom Velasquez thought had by this time taken possession of New Spain in his name. In these letters, Velasquez desired Narvaez, if Cortes were yet alive, to transport him, with the whole of his principal officers, to Cuba, whence he would send them to Spain, for such were the commands of Don Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca, bishop of Burgos, and archbishop of Rosano, and president of the council of India.

As soon as Barba had entered the harbour and cast anchor, Caballero went on board to pay his respects to him. The boat he went in was well manned with sailors, and the arms they carried were carefully hidden from view.

After both parties had welcomed each other, Caballero inquired after the health of the governor of Cuba, and Barba, on his side, asked after Narvaez, and what had become of Cortes. Caballero gave him the most favorable account of Narvaez, spoke about his power, wealth, and his vast authority in these countries; as for Cortes, he had escaped with twenty men, and was wandering about from place to place.

Upon this, Caballero proposed to Barba that he should disembark at the next township, where he would meet with excellent quarters. This he readily agreed to, and stepped into Caballero's boat, which, by this time, had been joined by those of the other vessels, and so all went on shore; but he had scarcely set foot on land when Caballero exclaimed, "Sir, you are my prisoner, in the name of the captain-general Cortes!" One can easily imagine the astonishment of Barba and his men; however, they could do no better than patiently submit. The sails, compass, and rudder were immediately taken out of the vessel, and were all sent to Cortes' head-quarters at Tepeaca.

Our joy was excessive when these succours arrived, and certainly they could not have come more opportunely, for we had not yet recovered from our wounds, or regained our usual strength. Every one of us suffered more or less from ill health, and as blood and dust had coagulated in our entrails, we consequently emitted nothing else. Add to all this, we were obliged to be under arms both night and day, and thus it may be imagined our condition was truly pitiable; and five of our men had died within the last fortnight of pleurisy.

There likewise arrived with Barba a certain Francisco Lopez, who settled at Guatimala, and became regidor of that place.

Cortes received Pedro Barba with every mark of distinction, and immediately gave him a company of crossbow-men. He likewise learnt from him that there was another smaller vessel at Cuba, which was taking in a cargo of provisions, and was also destined by the governor for New Spain. This vessel actually arrived at Vera Cruz eight days after, and was commanded by a cavalier, named Rodrigo Morejon. She had on board eight soldiers, a mare, six crossbows, and other kinds of ammunition. Morejon, with his vessel, was captured by Caballero in the same manner, and sent to Segura de la Frontera. Our joy at the arrival of these new guests was, if possible, greater than on the previous occasion. Cortes received them most kindly, gave each an appointment, and we thanked God most heartily for this reinforcement of men, arms, and horses.

We must now, however, return to the Mexican troops, which lay on the confines of Quauhquechola.

CHAPTER CXXXII.

The new king of Mexico had thrown strong garrisons into all the townships which lay on the boundaries, particularly into Quauhquechola and Ozucar,[100] which lay about twelve miles from each other, as he was sure we should enter his territories at those points. These garrisons allowed themselves excessive liberties under their new master, and committed so many atrocities against the inhabitants, that these were determined to bear it no longer. They not only complained of being robbed of their garments, their maise, their fowls, and their gold, but that the Mexicans likewise forcibly carried off their daughters and wives, if they were pretty, and violated them in the presence of their parents and their husbands.

When the Quauhquechollans saw how peaceably and quiet the Cholullans lived ever since they had been without a Mexican garrison, and that the same happiness and security might be enjoyed in Tepeaca, Tecalco, and in Quauhquechola, they secretly despatched four distinguished personages to Cortes, begging of him to send them his teules, with their horses, to rid them of their oppressors. They themselves, with the inhabitants of the whole district, would assist us, and both together could easily overcome the Mexican troops. Cortes, on this representation, resolved to send thither, under Oli, a strong detachment, consisting of 300 men, with the greater part of our cavalry and crossbow-men, besides a numerous body of Tlascallans, who had greatly increased in numbers since the rich booty they had made in Tepeaca.

Among the 300 of our own troops there were many of Narvaez's men who became quite terrified when they understood they were going to march against Indians; besides which, they had been informed that all the fields and houses were filled with Mexican troops, and that their numbers were even greater than at the battle of Otumpan, and that Quauhtemoctzin commanded in person. They had, indeed, from the beginning showed great unwillingness to join us in this new campaign, and all their thoughts were bent upon their return to Cuba. Now again all their late misfortunes, and the perils they had undergone, came forcibly to their minds: the lamentable flight out of Mexico, the terrible struggle at the bridges, and the battle of Otumpan. Such dangers, they said, they would not run the risk of encountering again, and they most earnestly begged of Oli to return to head-quarters, as this expedition could not fail to end more seriously than all the foregoing, and every man of them would perish. It was in vain that Oli expostulated with them, and told them they were bound to march forward, and were in every way a match for the Mexicans; that a retreat would inspire the enemy with fresh courage, and that the level country was remarkably favorable for the manœuvres of the cavalry; they absolutely refused to advance another step. Cortes' old soldiers, however, were determined to march forward, saying they had braved greater dangers than this; that a merciful Providence had everywhere protected them, and brought them forth victorious. But all these arguments were fruitless, and at last they succeeded in persuading Oli, by their prayers and lamentations, to turn back; and he took the road to Cholulla, from whence he wrote Cortes word of the state of things.

When the latter received this information he was greatly vexed, and he immediately despatched two crossbow-men with a letter to Oli, in which he expressed great surprise at his indetermination and weakness of mind; as on former occasions no arguments had ever been able to dissuade him from fulfilling the commands he had once received.

When Oli had read this letter he became furious with chagrin, and bitterly reproached those who had advised the retreat, and thereby induced him to disobey his general's commands. He immediately issued orders for every one to join his standard, and those who refused should be sent back to our head-quarters, there to be punished by Cortes as cowards and deserters.

The vexation which this matter occasioned Oli had converted him into a very lion, and in this mood he marched his men onwards to Quauhquechola. He had scarcely arrived to within four miles of this place, when he was met by the caziques, who pointed out to him the best mode of attacking the Mexicans, and assured him he would be assisted by the inhabitants. They had hardly done speaking, when the Mexicans, who had received intelligence of Oli's approach, marched boldly against him. The battle now soon commenced, and the Mexicans certainly fought courageously for a considerable time, wounded several Spaniards, killed two horses, and wounded eight others from out a species of fortification which they had constructed here; but after an hour's fighting they were completely beaten out of the field. The Tlascallans behaved with uncommon bravery, and killed many of the enemy, besides taking a great number of prisoners; and as they were joined by the inhabitants of the surrounding country, the carnage among the Mexican troops was very great. The latter now retreated, and fortified themselves in a township named Ozucar,[101] which had been garrisoned by another body of Mexicans. This place was even rendered strong by nature, and the enemy had burnt down a bridge, to prevent our cavalry from entering the town. But, as I have before stated, vexation had turned Oli into a very lion, and he was determined that nothing should obstruct his progress. He therefore marched, with all those who would follow him, immediately upon Ozucar, passed the river with his new allies of Quauhquechola, and fell so furiously upon the Mexicans, that they soon gave way, and fled in disorder. Here again two horses were killed, Oli himself wounded in two places, and his horse very severely.

He remained two days at Ozucar, during which time the caziques of the whole surrounding country came to sue for peace, and declared themselves vassals of our emperor. After he had thus restored tranquillity to the whole country he returned to Villa Segura.

I myself was not present at this battle, and I therefore merely relate what I learnt from others respecting it. Cortes and the whole of us marched out to meet the returning conquerors, and the rejoicings, as may be imagined, were very great on this occasion. The retreat to Cholulla was now turned into matter of ridicule. Oli himself could not help laughing at it, and observed, that many of his troops thought more of their mines in Cuba than of their arms, and he swore that he would never again command any of those rich followers of Narvaez on such occasions, but only take with him a few of the poor soldiers of Cortes.

On this occasion Gomara relates, that Oli turned back in consequence of a mistake between the interpreters, and had feared there was some treachery on hand. This, however, is incorrect; for his return to Cholulla was entirely owing to the fear and anxiety of Narvaez's men, whom the Indians had crammed with all manner of fearful tales.

Gomara likewise says, that Cortes commanded in person on this occasion, but this is an untruth, for it was Oli. It is equally erroneous when he says that it were the Huexotzincans who had alarmed Narvaez's men with the exaggerated account respecting the Mexicans, when the former passed through their town. This is a shocking blunder, for it would be equally absurd for any one who wished to go from Tepeaca to Quauhquechola, to turn back to Huexotzinco, as it would be in going from Medina del Campo to Salamanca, to take the road over Valladolid. In the meantime other news had arrived from Vera Cruz, which will be found in the following chapter.

CHAPTER CXXXIII.

While we were lying at Villa Segura, Cortes was informed by letter that one of the vessels which Garay had fitted out for the object of forming settlements on the river Panuco had arrived at Vera Cruz. This vessel was commanded by a certain Comargo, and had on board above sixty soldiers, but who were all in very bad health, with their stomachs largely swelled.

This Comargo related how unfortunately Garay's expedition to the river Panuco had terminated. The Indians had massacred the commander-in-chief Alvarez Pinedo, with the whole of his troops and horses, and then set fire to his vessels. Comargo alone had been fortunate enough to escape with his men on board one of the vessels, and had steered for Vera Cruz, where they arrived half famished, for they had not been able to procure any provisions from the enemy. This Comargo, it was said, had taken the vows of the order of the Dominicans.

Comargo and his men, by degrees, all arrived at Villa Segura; which indeed took a considerable time, for they were so weakened that they could scarcely move along. When Cortes saw in what a terrible condition they were, he recommended them to our care, and showed Comargo and all his men every possible kindness. If I remember rightly, Comargo died soon after, and also several of his men. We used to call them, jokingly, verdigris bellies, from the immense size to which the latter were swollen, and the death-like appearance of the men.

In order not to break the thread of my history too frequently, I will take this opportunity of enumerating the different vessels of Garay's expedition which arrived by degrees in Vera Cruz.

The first which came after Comargo was commanded by a native of Aragon, named Miguel Diaz, whom Garay had sent with succours to Alvarez Pinedo, who, he imagined, had run up the river Panuco. Diaz, however, meeting nowhere with any traces of him, had soon got into a conflict with the natives, by whom he was informed of the unfortunate termination of that expedition; he then again hoisted sail and made for Vera Cruz, where he disembarked his troops, consisting of upwards of fifty men and seven horses, with which he immediately repaired to Cortes' head-quarters. These were the most valuable succours we ever received, and certainly they could not have come more opportunely.

This Miguel Diaz subsequently rendered our emperor the most signal services in the conquest of New Spain. He was for some time engaged in a lawsuit respecting the possession of half Mistitan, with a brother-in-law of Cortes, named Andreas de Barrios, of Seville, whom he commonly termed the dancer. This lawsuit terminated in his favour in this way, that he was to receive the whole of the yearly rents of that estate, amounting annually to above 2500 pesos; but he himself was prohibited from setting foot in that district for the space of two years, for having there, as well as in other townships belonging to him, put several Indians to death.

A few days after this vessel another arrived in Vera Cruz, which Garay had likewise despatched for the protection of his armament in the river Panuco, where he thought all was going on prosperously. This vessel brought above forty men, ten horses, and various kinds of ammunition, and was commanded by an elderly man named Ramirez, whom we called the elder to distinguish him from another Ramirez, who served in our troops. In this way Garay lost one ship after another, and no one derived any advantage from them excepting Cortes and ourselves. All these troops arrived by degrees in Tepeaca, and respectively obtained some by-name or other from our men. Those of Diaz, who were all stout, fat fellows; were called the stiff-backs, and those of Ramirez, pack-saddles, because they all wore heavy cotton cuirasses, which no arrow could pierce. The officers, as the reader may imagine, received most distinguished treatment from Cortes.

I have now, however, to speak of another expedition, of which Cortes gave the command to Sandoval, and was directed against the tribes of Xalatzinco and Zacatemi.

CHAPTER CXXXIV.

After we had received these reinforcements, first the twenty-five men and three horses, which arrived in the two small vessels sent by Diego Velasquez, and then the 120 men, with the seventeen horses which arrived in Garay's vessels, we learnt that many of Narvaez's men on their retreat from Mexico had been murdered in the townships of Zacatemi and Xalatzinco; likewise that the inhabitants of these places had plundered and killed Juan de Alcantara and his two companions who were returning from Tlascalla with the gold above mentioned. Cortes, therefore, ordered Sandoval, a remarkably bold and clever officer, to march against them with 200 men, composed for the greater part of Cortes' old soldiers, among which there were twenty horse and twelve crossbow-men, to which was added a strong body of Tlascallans.

Sandoval, on his march thither, received intelligence that the inhabitants were all under arms, and had put these towns in a good state of defence; and were, moreover, assisted by a powerful body of Mexicans. They well foresaw that we should equally chastise them for the Spaniards they had murdered, as we had the Tepeacans, Quauhquechollans, and Tecalcans.

Sandoval placed his troops in the most advantageous manner, and explained to the cavalry how they were to break through the enemy's line. But previous to entering on the enemy's territory he sent messengers with offers of peace to them, and to demand the gold they had stolen, with promises that he would pardon the murder of the Spaniards. These messengers went several times to the enemy with these offers, but each time returned with the same answer, namely, that they would serve Sandoval and his soldiers in the same manner as they had those teules, respecting whom he now came to make inquiries. Sandoval then sent them word that he would treat them as traitors and highwaymen, and turn them all into slaves; they might therefore prepare for a struggle for life or death. He then fell upon them from two several points at the same time, and though the Mexicans, as well as the inhabitants, defended themselves with great bravery, he nevertheless soon put them to flight, and captured numbers of the commoner people, whom, however, he set at liberty again, for want of men to guard them. In one of the temples he found a quantity of clothes, arms, and horse-trappings, among which were two saddles; all of which the Indians had brought as offerings to their idols.

In this place Sandoval stayed three days, during which time the caziques of the country came to beg pardon of him, and to take the oath of allegiance to his majesty; but he informed them they must return the stolen gold before he could think of granting their request. To which the caziques answered, that the Mexicans had taken away all the gold, and presented it to their new king. Upon this Sandoval referred them to Cortes himself, and he marched back to our head-quarters, with a great number of women and young men, whom he had taken prisoners, and marked with the iron.

Cortes was highly delighted at beholding these troops return in so good a condition, though they had three horses killed and eight men heavily wounded, among whom was Sandoval himself, who had been struck by an arrow. For myself, I was not present in this expedition, for I was suffering severely at the time from fever and spitting of blood; but thank God I recovered, after frequent bleeding.

The caziques of Xalatzinco and Zacatemi, besides several other chiefs of the neighbouring districts, now came to Cortes; they begged for peace, took the oath of allegiance to our emperor, and furnished us with provisions.

This expedition was attended by many beneficial results; for the whole country was thereby tranquillized, while it spread a vast idea of Cortes' justice and bravery throughout the whole of New Spain; so that every one feared him, and particularly Quauhtemoctzin, the new king of Mexico. Indeed Cortes' authority rose at once to so great a height, that the inhabitants came from the most distant parts to lay their disputes before him, particularly respecting the election of caziques, right of tenure, and division of property and subjects. About this time thousands of people were carried off by the smallpox, and among them numbers of caziques; and Cortes, as though he had been lord of the whole country, appointed the new caziques, but made a point of nominating those who had the best claim.

Such a case happened with a near relative of Motecusuma, who was married to the sovereign of Itztucan, by whom she had a son, who was acknowledged as nephew to Motecusuma; the point in dispute being who the heir was to that principality, this nephew, or some other grandee of the country. Cortes decided in favour of Motecusuma's nephew, and they adhered to his decision. Numerous similar disputes were brought for Cortes' arbitration, even from the most distant districts.

About this time we also learnt that nine of our countrymen had been put to death in the township Cocotlan, called by us Castel Blanco, being about twenty-four miles from our head-quarters. Sandoval therefore was ordered thither, with thirty horse, one hundred foot, eight crossbow-men, five musketeers, and a strong body of Tlascallans, who always proved themselves faithful friends and brave warriors. Here again Sandoval sent five distinguished personages of Tepeaca to the Cocotlans with the usual offers of peace, accompanied by threats; but as there was a strong garrison of Mexicans lying in the town, they returned for answer that they had already a king in Quauhtemoctzin, and wanted no other; nor did they see any reason why they should send us ambassadors. They would meet us on the field of battle; their strength was as great now as it was in Mexico, at the bridges, and the canals; and how much our valour had availed us there they had sufficiently experienced.

On receiving this answer, Sandoval regulated the order of attack, in which the instructions he gave the Tlascallans were remarkable, namely, that they should not rush in upon the enemy at the same moment with the Spaniards, for fear of shying our horses, and lest they should expose themselves to the fire of our muskets, as had often been the case on previous occasions. They were commanded to remain stationary until the enemy was routed, and then follow in pursuit.

Having made these regulations, Sandoval marched towards the township. He had not advanced far before he came up with two bodies of the enemy, who had taken up a position in a hollow at the back of a barricade, which had been constructed of trees cut for the purpose. For a time the enemy's troops fought with desperate courage; but Sandoval kept up so sharp a fire upon them with the crossbows and muskets, that he soon was enabled to force a passage with the horse. In this attack four of his men and nine horses were wounded, one of which died soon after. Though the number of loose stones here were great obstacles to the cavalry, yet he succeeded in breaking through the enemy's ranks, and he advanced up to the town itself, in front of which stood a large building and fortification, besides several temples, in which other detachments of the enemy were stationed. Here Sandoval encountered a momentary and desperate resistance, but the Indians were again beaten, with seven killed. The Tlascallans now no longer waited the signal for pursuit, but rushed forward the more bravely, as this district lay near to their own territory. Numbers of females and people of the lower classes were taken prisoners.

After this victory, Sandoval remained there two days, and despatched one of the Tepeacan chiefs to the caziques of the district to summon them into his presence. They were not long before they made their appearance, and begged forgiveness for the murder of the Spaniards. He told them this would be granted on condition they delivered up all the property they had found on those they had put to death. They answered, however, that this was out of their power, since everything had been burnt, but owned that the greater part of the Spaniards had been eaten up by themselves, and that five had been sent alive to Quauhtemoctzin in Mexico. They had now, they thought, received sufficient chastisement for those they had murdered by the losses they had sustained in this battle; they hoped, therefore, he would pardon them, and they would, in return, furnish us with excellent provisions, and also forward a large supply to Malinche's head-quarters. Sandoval, finding that nothing further was to be got out of them, granted their request, for which they appeared very grateful, and offered to do him all manner of good services. Sandoval now returned with his troops to Tepeaca, and met with a most hearty reception from us all.

CHAPTER CXXXV.

After peace had thus been restored to the whole province, and the inhabitants had submitted to the sceptre of his majesty, Cortes, finding there was nothing further to be done at present, determined, with the crown officers, to mark all the slaves with the iron, and set apart the fifth of them for his majesty. Notice was, therefore, given that every person was to come with his slaves to a certain house appointed for the purpose, that they might be marked with the red-hot iron. Every man, accordingly, brought the females and young men he had taken prisoners; for grown-up men were of no use to us, as they were so difficult to watch, and we cared not to admit them into our service, as we were well satisfied with the Tlascallans. After all the slaves had been brought together and severally marked with the letter G, the emperor's fifths and then Cortes' were deducted before we were aware of it; and, besides this, on the night preceding, the finest of the Indian females had been secretly set apart, so that when it came to a division among us soldiers, we found none left but old and ugly women. This occasioned excessive murmuring against Cortes and all those who had thus picked and chosen before us; and some of Narvaez's men told Cortes to his face that they were not aware, up to the present moment, there were two kings in the Spanish dominions, and that two royal fifths could be demanded. A certain Juan Bono, who was also loud in his complaints, added, that such proceedings should not be permitted in New Spain, and that he would send information of it to his majesty and the council of India. Another soldier asked Cortes if the division he had made of the gold in Mexico was not a sufficient imposition? for, at first, he had merely spoken of 300,000 pesos, but when we were obliged to retreat from the city, it was estimated at 700,000 pesos. And now he was going to deprive the poor soldier, who had undergone so many hardships, and suffered from innumerable wounds, of this small remuneration, and not even allow him a pretty Indian female for a companion! When notice was given, continued he, that each person was to produce his prisoners, in order that they might be marked, it was thought they would have been valued, and that the emperor's fifths would have been deducted therefrom in money, and that no mention would have been made of fifths for Cortes.

Similar and even severer speeches were in every one's mouth respecting Cortes' fifths, until the latter began to consider it high time to pacify these daring spirits. He stated, therefore, and swore upon his conscience, (for this was his usual oath,) that it should not happen in future, but that all the prisoners should be valued, and sold at their valuation, which would put a stop to all further discontent on that head. This resolution was subsequently adhered to, particularly after the conquest of Tezcuco, where we took a vast number of prisoners.

If this circumstance had occasioned ill blood, another of a different nature occasioned worse. The reader will remember that, on the night of sorrows, after as much of the gold had been stowed away as could be, Cortes had given what remained as prize-money to the soldiers. Many of Narvaez's men and several of ours had dived deep into the gold, and most of those who had overloaded themselves with it lost their lives in the retreat. Several, however, had had the good fortune to escape with their treasures, but had paid dearly for it with severe wounds and the risk of their lives.

When Cortes learnt that there were still a great many bars of gold among the men, and heavy gambling in consequence, (for, according to the old saying, gold and love cannot lie long concealed,) he made known, under threats of severe punishment, that every one should produce the gold he had obtained on the night of our retreat from Mexico, of which one third was to be returned to him; but that any one who refused to pay this, should have the whole taken from him. Many of our men refused downright to comply with this; yet Cortes managed to extort a good deal of it under the pretence of a loan: but, as most of the officers and crown officials had also well stocked themselves with gold on that occasion, Cortes suddenly dropped the question, and nothing further was heard of it. It is certain, however, that this circumstance injured him vastly in every one's opinion.

CHAPTER CXXXVI.

The officers of Narvaez's troops and those who had come from Jamaica in Garay's expedition, seeing that the whole province of Tepeaca was now tranquillized, begged Cortes would fulfil his promise, and allow them to depart for Cuba; who not only granted them their request, but promised them, and particularly Duero and Bermudez, that he would give them much more gold after the total conquest of New Spain and Mexico, than they had previously received. In the meantime he furnished them with provisions of the kinds we had, consisting in maise, salted dog's flesh, and fowls. He likewise gave them one of our best vessels, and sent by them letters to his wife Catalina Suarez de Mercayda, and to his brother-in-law Juan Suarez, who was then staying at Cuba. These letters were accompanied by a few bars of gold and some jewels, and contained, among other things, an account of our overthrow at Mexico.

All those who left New Spain on that occasion had accumulated great riches, and I will give their names, as far as my memory permits. Duero, Bermudez, Bono, Bernardino Quesada, Francisco Velasquez, with the hunchback, a relation of the governor of Cuba; Carrasco, who afterwards returned to New Spain, and now lives at Puebla; Melchior de Velasco, of Guatimala; a certain Ximenes, who lives at Quaxaca, and was obliged to go to Cuba on account of his son; the accountant Leon de Cervantes, who made the same excuse to see his daughter there, for whom he concluded a most excellent match after the conquest of Mexico; Maldonado de Medellin was forced to leave on account of ill health; the other of that name, who was surnamed the proud, and was married to a lady named Maria Arias, likewise left us; further, a certain Vargas, of Trinidad, who, at Cuba, was commonly called the gallant; lastly, one of Cortes' old warriors, the pilot Cardenas, who said to one of his companions, "We soldiers may now take our repose, since New Spain has two kings." Cortes had presented him with 300 pesos, to induce him to return with his wife and family. Besides these men, there were many others whose names I have forgotten, which, indeed, is a good thing, for it prevents me from going too much into detail.

As soon as Cortes had given them permission to leave, we asked him why he had allowed them to depart, as he knew there would be so few of us remaining? Cortes said he had done so to rid himself of their eternal complaints and solicitations. We likewise knew that many of them were not fit for service, and it was better to be alone than in bad company.

Pedro de Alvarado was commissioned to see them safe on board, with orders to return immediately to head-quarters after they had left.

About this time Cortes also despatched Ordas and Alonso de Mendoza on business to Spain, but for what particular purpose he never told us. We only heard that the bishop of Burgos told Ordas to his face that we were all villains and traitors, and that Ordas had boldly defended us. The latter, on this occasion, was made comptoir of Santiago, and received permission from the emperor to assume a burning mountain in his coat of arms. What he further did in Spain I will relate hereafter.

Alonso de Avila, who was treasurer of New Spain, and Alvarez Chico, another thorough man of business, were despatched in another vessel to St. Domingo to render an account of all we had done to the royal court of audience there, and to the Hieronymite brothers, who were appointed viceroys over the whole of the islands, to gain their approbation of our proceedings against Narvaez, and their sanction of the manner in which we had enslaved and punished the inhabitants who had murdered the Spaniards and rebelled against his majesty: and their opinion as to whether Cortes should not similarly punish all those tribes who, as allies of the Mexicans, had been guilty of like offences. Lastly, Cortes begged of them to inform his majesty of all this, and of the great services we had rendered and still daily rendered to the crown; and requested them to favour our just cause against the bishop of Burgos, who was striving to work out our ruin.

A third vessel was despatched by Cortes to Jamaica, to purchase horses there, the command of which was given to Solis, who was the son-in-law of the bachelor Ortega. Here the reader might be induced to ask whence Cortes obtained the money to do all this? In reply to which, I can only say that of the gold stowed away by Narvaez's and our own troops, particularly by the horse, a great quantity was certainly saved. Besides that, many of the eighty Tlascallans, who were loaded with the gold, and retreated from Mexico in the vanguard, got safely over the bridges. We poor soldiers, who had not to command but to obey, cared very little at that time whether there was plenty of gold or not, but were happy if we escaped alive and were able to cure our wounds. However, of the gold that was saved, Cortes received as much back as he could possibly lay his hands on; our men likewise suspected that he had put into his own pocket again the 40,000 pesos, being the share of the Mexican treasure belonging to the garrison of Vera Cruz. With this money he sent persons to Spain and St. Domingo on his own private business, and others to Jamaica to purchase horses.

Perfect tranquillity being now again restored to the province of Tepeaca, Cortes marched back with his troops to Tlascalla, and left Francisco de Orozco behind, with twenty invalid soldiers, as commandant of Villa Segura.

Cortes then ordered the necessary quantity of wood to be felled for building thirteen brigantines, with which another attack was to be made upon Mexico; for we were convinced we should not be able to make any impression upon that town without a small fleet, nor ever again be able to enter it by the causeways. Martin Lopez was appointed by Cortes to superintend the important business of constructing these brigantines, for he was not only a good soldier, but, upon the whole, rendered his majesty the greatest services in all our warlike operations. On this occasion again, he set to work with his usual assiduity, and it was very fortunate that this man had been with us from the beginning; for, if we had been forced to send for a ship-builder from Spain, we should have lost much valuable time, and we might not have found a man who suited so well.

On our arrival in Tlascalla, we found that our old friend Maxixcatzin, one of his majesty's most faithful vassals, was no more, he having died of the smallpox. We were all sorely grieved at this loss, and Cortes himself, as he assured us, felt it as much as if he had lost his own father. We put on black cloaks in mourning for him, and paid the last honours to the remains of our departed friend, in conjunction with his sons and relations.

A dispute having arisen in Tlascalla respecting the heir to the caziquedom, Cortes pronounced in favour of the deceased's son, in accordance with the last wishes of his late father. Maxixcatzin, on his death-bed, strongly advised his whole family to remain faithful to Malinche and his brothers; for they, he said, were certainly those people for whom the dominion of these countries had been predestined.

However, let us leave the dead in peace, and turn to the living. The elder Xicotencatl, Chichimeclatecl, and the other caziques of Tlascalla, one and all gladly offered their assistance to Cortes in cutting wood for the building of the brigantines, and generally to aid in prosecuting the war against Mexico.

Cortes gave them all a hearty embrace, and thanked them for their great kindness, especially Chichimeclatecl and Xicotencatl, the latter of whom eventually became a convert to Christianity, and was baptized by father Olmedo with every solemnity, and received the name of Don Lorenzo de Vargas.

In the meantime the preparations for the building of our brigantines were going on very fast; the wood being soon felled and prepared for use with the assistance of the Indians; an excellent soldier named Andreas Nuñez, and Ramirez the elder, an old carpenter who had been lamed by a wound, rendering most efficient services. Matters being thus far advanced, Cortes sent for a quantity of ironwork, anchors, sails, and ropes, from the vessels which had been destroyed at Vera Cruz, and ordered all the smiths of that town to repair to Tlascalla. Above 1000 Indians were despatched thither to transport these things. The cauldrons for boiling and preparing the tar were likewise brought from Vera Cruz, and we were now only in want of the materials for making it, the preparation of which was wholly unknown to the Indians; but here again Cortes was not at a loss, for he picked out four men from among the sailors who understood its preparation, and for that purpose sent them off to a forest of pine trees near Huexotzinco.

Though it may, perhaps, be rather out of place here, I must answer a question which has been put to me by several cavaliers respecting Alonso de Avila, with whom they were well acquainted. They knew that this man, though treasurer of New Spain, was, at the same time, an excellent soldier, and felt more inclination for the life of a warrior than for business; they could not, therefore, imagine why Cortes should exactly have selected him to confer with the Hieronymite brothers at St. Domingo, and that he had not rather chosen some person of more business-like habits; as, for instance, Alonso de Grado, or Juan de Cacares, called the wealthy, or others whose names they mentioned to me. Cortes had no other motive than to get Avila out of the way, because he spoke his mind too freely, and took every occasion to side with us soldiers if he saw we were unjustly dealt with. To this was added, that the latter had fallen out with several of our officers, from a frankness of disposition displeasing to them. And, lastly, Cortes was desirous of conferring the command of a company on Andreas de Tapia, and of appointing Alonso de Grado treasurer, both of which were only possible by removing Avila.

Cortes now determined to march, with the whole of his men, to Tezcuco, as the wood for constructing the brigantines was ready prepared, and we had got rid of Narvaez's men, who made difficulties in all our expeditions, and always argued against any attempt to besiege Mexico, maintaining we were not sufficiently numerous for that purpose; by which means they infected others with their cowardice. Previous to our leaving for Tezcuco, however, various deliberations took place as to which would be the most eligible spot for launching our brigantines. Some of our men maintained that Ayotzinco, near to Chalco, on account of its canals and harbour, was better adapted for this purpose; others, again, preferred Tezcuco, and were of opinion that, once having taken possession of that town, standing as it did in the midst of so many other populous townships, we should be better able to plan our operations against Mexico.

We had scarcely decided in favour of the latter place, when three men arrived with the news from Vera Cruz that a large Spanish vessel had run in there from the Canaries, having on board a quantity of crossbows, muskets, powder, and other ammunition, besides three horses and thirteen soldiers. The owner of the cargo was a certain Juan de Burgos, and the captain of the vessel was named Francisco Medel.

The reader may easily imagine our joy at this news; and if we had previously felt in good spirits for our intended expedition, we now felt the more so on hearing of the arrival of these timely succours. Cortes immediately bargained with Burgos for the whole of the ammunition and cargo, who himself, with Medel and all the passengers, came to our head-quarters, where they met with the kindest reception. Among the passengers there was a certain rich man, named Juan del Espinar, who once lived in Guatimala; further, a certain Sagredo, from Medellin; a Biscayan, named Monjaraz, uncle of the other two of that name serving among us. This Monjaraz had a very beautiful daughter, who subsequently came to Mexico, and was commonly called Monjaraza. But this Monjaraz did not accompany us in any of our expeditions, as he was always suffering from ill health. It was not until we had laid regular siege to Mexico that he came to us in good health, and told us he was desirous of seeing how we carried on this war, and our mode of attacking the Mexicans, of whose bravery he entertained a very mean opinion. On this occasion he mounted to the top of an Indian temple, which was shaped like a tower; from that moment, however, we never saw him again, nor did we ever learn how the Mexicans got at him, or what became of him. Many persons who had known him on the island of St. Domingo saw the hand of God in his sudden death: for they related that he had put his own wife, a most virtuous, excellent, and beautiful woman, to death, without any cause or provocation; and that he had escaped punishment for his crime by proving, through false witnesses, she had attempted to poison him. I must, however, leave these old tales, and begin earnestly to think of our march to Tezcuco.

NOTES TO THE FIRST VOLUME.